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The Appeal: Political Report
Daniel Nichanian (@Taniel)

In This Edition of the Political Report

 

May 21, 2020: 

  • Oregon: Progressive candidate who ran on reform triumphs in Portland’s DA race

  • Washington: Governor vetoes “Clean Slate” bill that would have made it easier to clear records

  • South Carolina: New law prohibits shackling pregnant women and putting them in solitary confinement

  • The politics of prosecutors: Embattled Louisiana prosecutor retires. Georgia DA who oversaw the Ahmaud Arbery case may face an opponent. New York DA sets up unit that will prosecute sex work. And Chicago’s prosecutor blocks releases. 

Also visit our interactive tracker on state and local governments’ responses for regular updates on what is happening around the country, as the novel coronavirus spreads in more prisons and fear grows everywhere over access to healthcare and to housing. Visit the page for regular updates on what is being done (and not done) to protect incarcerated people and vulnerable populations.

Oregon: Progressive candidate who ran on reform triumphs in Portland’s DA race

It may be the widest election win yet for progressives in a contested prosecutor’s race. Mike Schmidt, who ran on a criminal justice reform platform, was elected district attorney on Tuesday in Multnomah County, which is home to Portland, some of its suburbs, and more than 800,000 residents. He had more than 75 percent of the vote in results available on Wednesday. 

“His election is evidence of the grassroots efforts that educated the community about the powers of the DA and the harms inflicted by the criminal legal system,” Madeline Carroll, an organizer with Oregon DA for the People, a local advocacy group, told me in an email. “Hundreds of community members contributed to this milestone.”

In an interview on Wednesday, Schmidt too credited grassroots organizers. “Multnomah County has just embraced the most progressive DA platform that this state has ever seen,” he said. “It's an incredible feeling of validation for the things I’ve been working on, and I think of validation for so many people in the community who've worked on these issues and said those things for longer than I have.”

He pointed to his 50 percentage point margin as evidence of the “breadth” of the coalition around reform. When he talked to labor groups during the campaign, he recounted, they pressed him to talk about “the systems, and how race has played into the criminal justice system, the school to prison pipeline. You merge that with the activist groups that have been working on these issues, with groups that have been standing with immigrants in our communities, everybody brought similar goals but different takes on it.

This margin is all the more remarkable in the context of Oregon’s punitive prosecutorial culture, of a DA association that has fought recent reforms, and of a prison population that has kept rising, bucking national trends. Oregon is one of only six states where incarceration reached a new peak in 2018, according to a new analysis by the Sentencing Project.

Schmidt has blamed Oregon’s harsh mandatory minimum schemes, which were codified by a 1994 ballot initiative, for stalling decarceral efforts. “You literally cannot get Oregon’s prison population reduced by 50 percent without getting rid of mandatory sentencing,” he said in April in a Q&A with the Political Report, referring to a goal some decarceration advocates have set. And in arguing that the legislature should repeal mandatory minimums, he presented the change as a way to chip away at DAs’ tremendous power. “When sentences become mandatory,” he said, “whoever makes the charging decision essentially makes the sentencing decision.”

He also expressed support for other statewide reforms, including an end to cash bail, a ballot initiative that would decriminalize the personal possession of most drugs, and voting rights for all. He is among a growing list of candidates who are winning DA races after stating their view that incarcerated people should retain the right to vote, a significant turnaround in the issue’s national politics that matches what law enforcement officials say in Maine and Vermont

Schmidt works as executive director of the Criminal Justice Commission, a state agency, and is also a former prosecutor. He was endorsed by Governor Kate Brown and by prominent county-level officials such as County Chair Deborah Kafoury. His opponent, Ethan Knight, is an assistant U.S. attorney who ran with endorsements from retiring DA Rod Underhill and also from the local police and prosecutors’ association.

In its comprehensive voter guide, Oregon DA for the People faulted Schmidt for not having specific proposals for how he would use his discretion as DA to decriminalize or decline to prosecute certain offenses. Although Schmidt has stated general support for shrinking the reflex to use prosecution to solve societal problems, he has mostly emphasized a desire to use so-called problem-solving courts, which many reformers stress are insufficient.

“We believe that reform needs to include shrinking the power of the criminal legal system and shifting resources to other, community-led systems that keep people out of the criminal legal system altogether,” Carroll told me. “We want separate tools that address the root causes of health and safety issues in Oregon communities, like health care (including behavioral health), housing, food insecurity, and addiction. We don’t want the DA to have power over those tools.”

Asked about this concern on Wednesday, Schmidt said he was “absolutely committed” to reducing the volume of prosecutions and asking “how we can handle” certain behaviors “outside the system and get results.” The backlog of cases caused by the COVID-19 pandemic is an opportunity to jumpstart this conversation and look at what types of cases should be handled "in a restorative justice way" or “in a community-based setting,” he said. He added that doing these shifts now “out of necessity” could set a new normal later, when the pandemic recedes.

Carroll said her group “will be watching [Schmidt] closely” to “hold him accountable to what he said he would do,” and also “continue to push and educate him on those issues on which we still are not aligned.”

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One in 5 Oregonians live in Multnomah County, so Schmidt could have some influence in setting a different tone as to how prosecutors weigh in on statewide legislative proposals. And he gained a potential ally elsewhere in Oregon on Tuesday. 

In Wasco County, a small jurisdiction two hours east of Portland, DA Eric Nisley was ousted in the wake of a scandal involving sexual harassment and lying to the bar association. Ever since he was appointed DA in 1998, Nisley had never faced an opponent, managing to get through five elections unopposed.  He finally drew a challenger this year, in his 22nd on the job—and lost to him by more than 40 percentage points.

The winner, Matthew Ellis, is a career criminal defense attorney. He did not respond to a request for comment on his views. His website lays out reform-minded goals toward low-level offenses (though with soft language that does not allude to an aspiration to shrink the system) and calls for ending cash bail. He speaks favorably of the 2019 youth justice law that made it harder for DAs to prosecute minors as adults last year. He has also said he wants to help ensure that immigrants are shielded from ICE; DAs don’t tend to be at the frontlines of ICE cooperation, but this campaign stance is notable in a county that voted for President Trump in 2016.

Elsewhere, though, Tuesday’s elections brought little change. Voters were electing their DAs in 20 other Oregon counties, but 13 of these races featured an incumbent running unopposed. Lane County was the only other county with more than 50,000 residents to feature a contested race. DA Patricia Perlow, a leading foe of the 2019 death penalty and youth justice reforms, easily won re-election. Her opponent did not run on criminal justice reform.

Moreover, a longstanding pattern once again stymied electoral change this year, as I reported in April: Deputy DAs keep getting appointed DA shortly before a county’s election and then get to face voters for the first time as incumbents, an enviable advantage that was in full force this year.

Schmidt pointed to Multnomah and Wasco counties to argue that voters reject ”tough on crime” politics when offered a choice. Wasco is “not what you would consider to be a progressive bastion,” he stressed, and added of Portland's race: “It's not even just that I won but the mandate with which this community said these are the policies that they expect to see. ... These results are going to send shockwaves through our criminal justice system.”

The standalone version of this article is available here.

Washington: Governor vetoes “Clean Slate” bill that would have made it easier to clear records

A nationwide push to get states to adopt “Clean Slate” laws hit a snag in Washington State, Rachel Cohen reports in the Political Report:

When the Great Recession hit in 2008, the unemployment rate among the general public stood at 6 percent. But it stood at a staggering 27 percent among the formerly incarcerated, according to a study by the Prison Policy Initiative —“higher than the overall U.S. unemployment rate during any historical period, including the Great Depression.” As the nation now grapples with the novel coronavirus and tens of millions of newly unemployed workers, individuals with criminal records—upward of 70 million to 100 million Americans—are bracing for an even more severe crisis, with heightened difficulties obtaining jobs, loans, and housing.

In that context, criminal justice reform advocates in Washington State were all the more disappointed in April when Democratic Governor Jay Inslee vetoed House Bill 2793. It would have initiated the process of automatically expunging criminal records in nearly 2 million eligible cases. 

Advocates have pushed for this type of reform, dubbed “Clean Slate,” around the country. Although expunged records yield major benefits, the vast majority of people who are eligible to get an expungement—over 90 percent of them, according to a University of Michigan study published in 2019—don’t even apply, for a host of reasons ranging from cost and time to legal complexity and a lack of information. Clean Slate bills propose to remedy these obstacles by requiring states to automatically expunge people’s records for eligible offenses. Though specifications vary, these bills typically involve clearing cases promptly if they did not result in a conviction, and clearing convictions after some waiting period.

The economic downturn has amplified the issue’s importance. Applicants with criminal records can be half as likely to get a callback or job offer, research has shown, and nearly nine in 10 employers use criminal background checks when hiring. Even among those who do find jobs, employees with records generally face significant earning penalties, while those with expunged records typically see their wages spike. 

Still, in his formal veto letter, Inslee cited COVID-19 to explain his decision to block HB 2793. He argued that given the health and economic crisis wrought by coronavirus, Washington could not afford to move forward with the bill. Despite the research showing automatic record-clearing boosts economic opportunity for vulnerable people and ultimately saves states money, he insisted, “we must prepare for the effects of the lost revenue that will result from this pandemic.”

“To have Inslee veto our Clean Slate bill was really devastating for all of us who worked so hard and continue to make progress toward the relief that so many individuals need help with,” said Tarra Simmons, director of the Washington-based Civil Survival Project, a criminal justice organization led by formerly incarcerated individuals, and the co-chairperson of Washington’s Statewide Reentry Council. “Austerity is not going to help us in the economic recession.” 

The final version of HB 2793 was watered down from what advocates had originally proposed. It would have authorized a pilot program of automatic record-clearing in just one county, as well as a study due in December assessing how to implement the policy statewide, given Washington’s decentralized court system. The total price tag, according to the fiscal note, was $1.2 million over two years. 

When the coronavirus hit, advocates pressed Inslee to sign the bill even if he couldn’t authorize the funding. Though it was limited, supporters still saw the legislation as essential to get the ball rolling in the state. Major philanthropic organizations like the W.K. Kellogg Foundation, Arnold Ventures, and the Chan Zuckerberg Initiative have supported automatic expungement efforts, and Simmons said they were confident they’d be able to secure private resources for the study if needed. Nevertheless, Inslee nixed the legislation in full.

Washington’s setback stands in stark contrast to the wave of momentum reformers have seen over the past few years when it comes to automatic record-clearing.

Read the rest of Rachel Cohen's article here.

South Carolina: New law prohibits shackling pregnant women or putting them in solitary confinement

House Bill 3967 was in danger of derailing when the pandemic sent lawmakers home in March. Instead, the legislature returned last week, promptly picked up the bill (“unexpectedly,” the Post and Courier reports), and sent it to the governor who signed it within a day. 

This new law bans shackling women who are pregnant, in labor, or recovering from giving birth. It also requires that jails and prisons provide menstrual hygiene products. And it restricts the use of cavity searches and solitary confinement on women who are pregnant and within 30 days of giving birth.

Visit our interactive tracker on legislation for regular updates.

The politics of prosecutors: from Louisiana, Georgia, Illinois, and New York

Louisiana: John DeRosier, the DA of Calcasieu Parish, will not seek re-election this fall. Radley Balko reported in the Washington Post in 2019 that in this parish defendants can “buy their way out of community service” by donating money or a gift card to a foundation set up by DeRosier, who has subsequently distributed those gift cards to friends and supporters.

Georgia: Republican DA Jackie Johnson, who chose to not charge Greg and Travis McMichaels for the murder of Ahmaud Arbery, is up for re-election in Georgia’s conservative Brunswick Circuit. Keith Higgins, an independent, has filed to run against her, but he still faces a major hurdle to make the ballot: He needs to collect 5,000 signatures by mid-July to make it on the ballot, according to news reports, a difficult proposition at a time of continued social distancing. 

Illinois: The public defender's office in Cook County (Chicago) says it has identified 3,000 candidates for pretrial release, but that the office of State's Attorney Kim Foxx has opposed release for 83 percent of them. The coronavirus has spread disastrously in the Cook County jail. (Prosecutors nationwide have taken varying approaches toward decarcerating amid COVID-19, as our national tracker has laid out in recent months.) 

New York: Queens DA Melinda Katz created a new unit that will prosecute people who pay for sex, as well as sex and labor traffickers, the Queens Eagle reports. Sex work was a major issue in the borough’s high-profile DA race last year; Tiffany Cabán, a public defender who came close to winning, ran on a proposal to fully decriminalize sex work, including for customers. 

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The Appeal: Political Report is a publication of The Justice Collaborative, a project of Tides Advocacy

Copyright © 2020 The Appeal Media. All rights reserved.


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