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The Madhvanis: The Industrialists Who Have Tasted Sucrose And Success 

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The “Unleash Africa” video feature has focused on the forces that are impeding the rise of African countries including corruption, on leadership qualities of the late Honorable Lee Kuan Yew, Prime Minister of Singapore and why that leadership quality is the missing ingredient in the governance apparatus of African countries, and on seminal entrepreneurs like Elon Musk who have redefined the playing arena of their enterprise and in some cases, a global paradigm shift.

In this video, we feature a discussion about the Rwandan economy. Rwanda is a small country in East Africa under the able leadership of his excellency, Paul Kagame. Rwanda is an example of an African country the is bucking the trend in economic initiative and innovative policies.

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The Madhvanis: The Industrialists Who Have Tasted Sucrose And Success
By Methil Renuka

The Madhvanis started with sugar and now lead diversified global businesses. In a rare interview from their home base of Kakira in Uganda, Mayur and Kamlesh Madhvani, the Joint Managing Directors of the Madhvani Group, share a century-old tale of extraordinary family enterprise and how they are continuing the legacy of their forefathers. 




It’s  a bumpy 100km drive from the Ugandan capital of Kampala to the town of Kakira in the east. Past the swaying sugarcane plantations and green hillocks and roundabouts intermittently featuring the words ‘Madhvani’ and ‘Sugar’ that announce you have arrived, a tranquil avenue, immaculately lined by pine trees and acacia, leads to Kakira.

From this little town, an international empire was built, with a reach in far and distant lands. To this little town, have many a cavalcade, bearing presidents and global business tycoons, made its way. 

At the sugar factory that is the pulsating heart of Kakira, the quiet of the verdant landscape rapidly gives way to the deafening sound of production. 

The sound of enterprise, the sound of African industry.

Close to the equator and Jinja, the source of the Nile, I am in the ‘cane yard’ of Kakira Sugar Limited, watching giant machines noisily swallow up truckloads of sugarcane and crush them into pulp.

Under the sweltering African sun, these monsters, also known as feeder tables, are four in number around me, relentlessly chopping tons of sugarcane fed by a long line of at least 400 trucks piled high with unruly cane stalks gathered from the fields in this eastern corner of Uganda.

The Madhvanis started with sugar and now lead diversified global businesses. In a rare interview from their home base of Kakira in Uganda, Mayur and Kamlesh Madhvani, the Joint Managing Directors of the Madhvani Group, share a century-old tale of extraordinary family enterprise and how they are continuing the legacy of their forefathers. 

It’s  a bumpy 100km drive from the Ugandan capital of Kampala to the town of Kakira in the east. Past the swaying sugarcane plantations and green hillocks and roundabouts intermittently featuring the words ‘Madhvani’ and ‘Sugar’ that announce you have arrived, a tranquil avenue, immaculately lined by pine trees and acacia, leads to Kakira.

From this little town, an international empire was built, with a reach in far and distant lands. To this little town, have many a cavalcade, bearing presidents and global business tycoons, made its way.  
 
At the sugar factory that is the pulsating heart of Kakira, the quiet of the verdant landscape rapidly gives way to the deafening sound of production. 

The sound of enterprise, the sound of African industry.

Close to the equator and Jinja, the source of the Nile, I am in the ‘cane yard’ of Kakira Sugar Limited, watching giant machines noisily swallow up truckloads of sugarcane and crush them into pulp.

Under the sweltering African sun, these monsters, also known as feeder tables, are four in number around me, relentlessly chopping tons of sugarcane fed by a long line of at least 400 trucks piled high with unruly cane stalks gathered from the fields in this eastern corner of Uganda. 
 
This is the back-end and the beginning of a well-oiled factory process that will eventually turn sugarcane into foamy rivers of juice and finally sugar.

The entire process, from feeder table to sugar crystal, is completed in eight hours, resulting in bags of refined sugar at the other end.

Inside the factory, even the air is calorific, with the saccharine-sweet smell of sugar – and success. The factory is the soul of the 14,000-hectare Kakira Sugar Estate, which provides a livelihood to some 9,300 direct employees, and sugar to the rest of Uganda and East Africa.       

It is the core business of The Madhvani Group, Uganda’s biggest sugar producer. And everything within a 10km radius from here, belongs to the group.

The Madhvanis started with sugar and now lead diversified global businesses. In a rare interview from their home base of Kakira in Uganda, Mayur and Kamlesh Madhvani, the Joint Managing Directors of the Madhvani Group, share a century-old tale of extraordinary family enterprise and how they are continuing the legacy of their forefathers. 

It’s  a bumpy 100km drive from the Ugandan capital of Kampala to the town of Kakira in the east. Past the swaying sugarcane plantations and green hillocks and roundabouts intermittently featuring the words ‘Madhvani’ and ‘Sugar’ that announce you have arrived, a tranquil avenue, immaculately lined by pine trees and acacia, leads to Kakira.

From this little town, an international empire was built, with a reach in far and distant lands. To this little town, have many a cavalcade, bearing presidents and global business tycoons, made its way.  
 
At the sugar factory that is the pulsating heart of Kakira, the quiet of the verdant landscape rapidly gives way to the deafening sound of production. 

The sound of enterprise, the sound of African industry.

Close to the equator and Jinja, the source of the Nile, I am in the ‘cane yard’ of Kakira Sugar Limited, watching giant machines noisily swallow up truckloads of sugarcane and crush them into pulp.

Under the sweltering African sun, these monsters, also known as feeder tables, are four in number around me, relentlessly chopping tons of sugarcane fed by a long line of at least 400 trucks piled high with unruly cane stalks gathered from the fields in this eastern corner of Uganda. 
 
This is the back-end and the beginning of a well-oiled factory process that will eventually turn sugarcane into foamy rivers of juice and finally sugar.

The entire process, from feeder table to sugar crystal, is completed in eight hours, resulting in bags of refined sugar at the other end.

Inside the factory, even the air is calorific, with the saccharine-sweet smell of sugar – and success. The factory is the soul of the 14,000-hectare Kakira Sugar Estate, which provides a livelihood to some 9,300 direct employees, and sugar to the rest of Uganda and East Africa.       

It is the core business of The Madhvani Group, Uganda’s biggest sugar producer. And everything within a 10km radius from here, belongs to the group.
 
Generations of the Madhvani family have been based in Kakira, and much has happened here over the last century: success, strife, destruction and resurrection. 

It all started in 1908, when at the age of 14, the family’s venerable patriarch, Mujlibhai Madhvani undertook the long and arduous journey from India to Uganda, to join his uncles Vithaldas and Kalidas Haridas in their shop in Iganga. By the time he was 20, Mujlibhai was tasked with opening and managing a shop in Jinja, a town at the source of the Nile River.

The waters ran deep in his veins as he was determined to make a success of his enterprise. He was appointed the Managing Director of Vithaldas Haridas & Company, which in 1918, bought around 800 acres of land in Kakira. The sugar factory subsequently started operating here in 1930, with a cane crushing capacity of 150 tons per day.

Mujlibhai built his empire on sugarcane, and laid the foundation for Kakira’s development, also empowering the communities within. Kakira grew around the factory and family home.

Soon, Mujlibhai Madhvani & Co. was also manufacturing sweets, soap, cooking oil, ghee, tea, margarine and pastry shortening. It also made cotton and became the agents for imported goods such as Goodyear tyres.

The late Manubhai, Mujlibhai’s second son, writes in his book, Tide of Fortune, an account of the family’s tale, with British author Giles Foden: “My father was the first person in Jinja to own a radio, which he bought in 1938. He purchased a record player in 1940 and soon afterwards, he became the proud owner of a 9.5mm film projector. His love of cars led him to purchase an extremely expensive powder-blue Buick, as well as an Oldsmobile.”

After Mujlibhai’s death in 1958, his eldest son, Jayantbhai, took over the business. Manubhai worked closely with him. By 1970, the Madhvani Group, according to Tide of Fortune, was at its peak with rapid annual growth of at least one new manufacturing unit a year. Manubhai says of his brother Jayantbhai: “I admired his humility and his commitment not only to serve the family, but also the community at large.” 

The factory is the soul of the 14,000-hectare Kakira Sugar Estate, which provides a livelihood to some 9,300 direct employees, and sugar to the rest of Uganda and East Africa. Picture: Forbes Africa


And he further pens: “How did we select the industries we were expanding into? It was a combination of two or three policies, really. The first was to seek vertical integration. If you make beer, you will need bottles, so why not manufacture them and some plastic crates as well?”

Unfortunately, for the Madhvani family, tragedy struck when Jayantbhai died of a massive heart attack in 1971.  

Politically too, Uganda’s destiny was changing.

When Idi Amin came to power in 1971, Manubhai was thrown into the Makindye military prison, an infamous hell hole, by the ruler for 21 days. The Madhvanis, along with the rest of the Asians living in Uganda, were notoriously expelled by Amin in 1972. The family relocated to London and then Kenya.

The sugar mill operation, which was producing 83,000 tons of sugar and contributing to 10% of the country’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP), was destroyed, looted and run down.

“Production had been at a standstill since the end of 1983 and the great hangar where sugar had once been produced was now a home to birds and animals,” says a line in Manubhai’s book.

When Amin was toppled, the Madhvanis returned, to the vestiges of their farm and factory, and a family squabble, with a segment of the family taking over the business in 1980.

The property was returned and the process of recovery started in 1985, with Manubhai and Mayur, Mujlibhai’s youngest son.

“When you repossess assets that are completely destroyed and run down, there is obviously a great emotional side to this,” says Mayur, the Madhvani Group’s Joint Managing Director, when we meet him in his offices at the Kakira sugar factory on a sun-filled afternoon in March.

The offices he shares with his nephew and Joint Managing Director, Kamlesh, Manubhai’s elder son, are adorned with tasteful MF Husain paintings, family memorabilia and redolent with the smell of incense. The British-educated Mayur, wearing a crisp white linen shirt, warmly invites us to his office space.

“For us, it was not so much a business decision, I think it was more of an emotional decision but it ran into the business arena because we knew that once the industry would come up, there would be growth,” continues Mayur about the challenging 1980s.

Kamlesh, 64, who joined the business a few years later, and is the younger of the two, chips in: “Kakira is where the roots of the family are. What we learned very quickly was that it is far easier to build something new than to rehabilitate something that is in total disrepair. It is not only the physical assets but also the mentality of the people.”

They had to work hard to return it to the glory days of the past.

“When we were here before 1972, we had connections with a lot of leaders. Mrs Indira Gandhi visited us, and also the Kennedys; they all used to visit Kakira. Martin Luther King was here, to meet my brother. My father of course is the pioneer. I mean if you look at the way the estate is laid out, it was this man in the early 1950s that laid it out,” recalls Mayur.

Today, the Madhvani Group is one of the biggest diversified private-sector businesses in Uganda, with assets of $750 million for the Kakira sugar business, producing 180,000 tons of sugar, 74,000 tons of molasses and 22 million liters of ethanol.

The sugar factory also makes green electricity. Very little of the sugarcane is wasted. The fiber from the process, or the bagasse residue, is burned in large boilers to generate steam that drives the turbines.

The facility also generates 51MW of electricity daily and of that, sells 32MW to the national grid, “enough to light up Kampala”, says Mayur. This is one of the biggest bagasse co-generation power plants in Africa.

A tour of the sprawling factory is rounded off with a visit to a storage warehouse with mountains of 50kg sugar bags, stacked from floor to ceiling at any given time, ready to be hauled onto waiting trucks. 

At an altitude of about 4,000ft, Kakira is lush, fertile territory offering year-round harvest. The sugar factory stops only for a month every year for maintenance. It processes its own cane but also buys from the farmers, or the out-growers, living outside the nucleus of the estate. This is an association built from Mujlibhai’s time.

Kamlesh and Mayur Madhvani, the Joint Managing Directors of the Madhvani Group. Picture: Forbes Africa


“There was a genuine affection when we came back [in 1985]. But it was very nice to say the Madhvanis are back but the Madhvanis are not magicians,” recounts Mayur. “It takes a lot of hard work and strategizing, and with government support (President Yoweri Museveni was newly elected at the time), we managed, through our small efforts, to instil in him, the aspect of business not necessarily being a bad thing. He was the one that allowed us to move forward and put this company right and pay taxes.” Fast forward to now, and the group’s focus continues to be to build its core businesses.

It is commencing a new $150 million sugar project in the northern district of Uganda named Amuru, working closely with the government. It has a sugar project in Rwanda, and projects in South Sudan and Tanzania are also on the cards.

“If you are manufacturing food commodities, it’s going to grow and this is the bread basket of the world. The Ugandans went through hell with Idi Amin but you never heard about famine because we can put anything in the ground here. We are so blessed,” says Mayur.

Cashing in on the salubrious climate and natural resources, another focus area for the group is tourism. There are nine lodges that it currently operates in Africa including in Rwanda, Uganda and Kenya.

One of the ways in which it opts to stay relevant is with partnerships. 

 “In the past, we used to think we can run [the business] ourselves and have those old-fashioned conglomerates. Those days are gone. You need to tap into the international market and get good world-class partners to work with and work with the right value for the African context,” offers Kamlesh.

And this applies to management as well, to further professionalize what is a family-run business.

“Most businesses that have started have been family businesses, if you look at Walmart, Ford, etc. But what you have to do is move away from the family business and let it become a little bit more professionalized,” adds Mayur.

“You want to avoid falling into the trap where the first generation creates, the second generation enjoys and the third generation destroys. We are the second generation moving to the third. The Madhvanis have broken the mould, but now [it’s not] for us to think we are infallible. We need to set up something that other family businesses can emulate, and follow other families that have succeeded in this. For that, you need to have a business that is professionally-run, yet have the family involved to give direction and not lose total touch or control.”

For this reason, the group mandatorily organizes three meetings a year in Bermuda, attended by family members and stakeholders.

But why this location in the Atlantic Ocean, far from Kakira? “We set up our companies in Bermuda in 1958, so we have been there some serious years now,” says Mayur. “In those days, perhaps it’s correct to say Bermuda was a tax haven, but now, the corporate tax structures have changed. Bermuda becomes a good venue because it is one of those tax havens that is also respected by various jurisdictions and for us, it is a historical fact that we were based in Bermuda. Our boards are all there.”

In Bermuda, the family also meets with members not actively involved in the business. Even the youngsters who are a part of the business have to report on their activities.

 “We present our reports to the family and I think the secret that myself and Kamlesh are looking at is that the business has to be such that it survives this turmoil of create, enjoy and destroy and there is transparency. The secret is transparency. The more transparency you have in a business, the more likely it is going to survive the long-term because then individuals are not allowed to mess up the day-to-day control systems,” says Mayur.

“Leadership is something that you grow into by an accident of life. I am not the oldest of this family. I have two brothers but they are much older. Kamlesh’s dad, and my elder brother Jayant, sort of had the experience of my father. So did Pratap and Sur, my elder brothers and then things changed. We came back here and I worked closely with Kamlesh’s father and he had a lot of knowledge and I had the advantage I had. We got on as a team wonderfully, and in any business, you always need the ying and the yang. Kamlesh and I work very closely but you will find that each one of us is very good in certain aspects of the business. That is so important.”

As Joint Managing Directors, their offices are adjacent to each other.

“We have this little window and we shout at each other or talk to each other whenever we want,” laughs Mayur.

“We are more like brothers, but he is still my nephew. As children, when we were at boarding school in the United Kingdom, his mother was always worried and I had to look out for him.”

Looking ahead, the Madhvani Group plans to produce rum, vodka and gin, predominantly for the export market. All of these are by-products of the same crop – sugarcane. The distillery at the estate produces 22 million liters of Extra Neutral Alcohol or ethanol a year.

“Sugar is the main product, [but] it’s quite possible in the time to come that some of these other activities from the by-products will become the main product. Such as electricity and alcohol… We are even putting up a plant for carbonated waters coming up next year,” says Mayur.

The Kakira sugar factory back in the day; the original sugar mill of 1930 is preserved to this day within the factory compound at Kakira. Picture: Supplied


But Uganda, a part of the East African Community (EAC), has a population of about 45 million and a poor rating score in the EAC when it comes to corruption. Surely, that’s discouraging for investors?

“The biggest problem we have in Africa is nearly 58% of the population is below the age of 30 and these individuals really do not want to hear about the wars because it is history. They are looking to see Africa catapult itself to another level. What the businessman needs is political stability and structured legal systems so that you feel comfortable doing your activity and I think [that is the only way] you will see Africa grow,” says Mayur.

“And yes, we do have corruption; it is endemic, you have corruption in every country. You have got to stop it. You have to have the right systems in place and you have to have total transparency on how businesses are conducted. Countries have gone through these stages and I think you have got to make an effort to try and eliminate corruption actively, without lip service. Now, action needs to be taken. If you look at Rwanda, it has progressed amazingly. As a businessman, what I have seen is the efficiency in which the government works, and the government takes decisions very pragmatically. That is the kind of model one needs to follow.”

At this point, Kamlesh interjects to say decisions taken must be implemented too.

 “It leads to frustration. In Uganda, you have the President who has tremendous vision, and his vision towards the private sector driving the economy becoming the engine of the economy is absolutely spot-on, but there is no follow up,” agrees Mayur.

As in other countries of the EAC, in Uganda too, private-public partnerships may be the way forward and it takes effort from the private sector to lead that charge.

  “The politics of Africa is very similar. Leadership is important but then [you have to] have growth cycles driven by the private sector. I remember there was a time when in Uganda, prior to the expulsion of the Asians in 1972, to do business was criminal. If you were a businessman, you were regarded as a crook. Today, it is instilled that everyone should do business; business is a good thing. There are positive changes.”

The Madhvani Group’s sugar project in Amuru, in northern Uganda, for example, will be owned 51% by the government and 49% by the group and it will be managing it.

“Eventually, the government will offload the shares to the general public, but I think it is important for all private sector businesses to try to involve the community, the population around you,” says Mayur.

“Kenya’s President Jomo Kenyatta gave a good analogy when we left Uganda. He said ‘in the case of you Madhvani, you are the tree and the tree has fruit and if you share the fruit with the local community, the tree will get water’… For instance, we make the products, but we don’t do the distribution, we allow the others, we have our out-growers.”

 “The farmers benefit more, we have a very successful joint venture NGO with them,” adds Kamlesh. “Essentially, we convinced the farmers to contribute a certain amount of money which we will also contribute and this money goes to finance roads, clinics, health facilities and orphanages. This is one quite unique experiment. The farmers have voluntarily sort of parted with money.”

For farmers like 48-year-old Naitema Godfrey, who owns 48 acres of land and has been an out-grower for the Madhvani Group for the last 15 years, sugarcane is everything. Calling himself a “sugarcane millionaire”, he says: “The food crop has given us money, power, sugar and electricity.” 

Another out-grower, Robert Waako, who has been supplying sugarcane to the Madhvanis for the last 26 years, says he has been able to put his six children through school and college; four of them are software engineers today.  

On the cards for the Madhvani Group is a possible listing in the future. The group also operates properties in India, and is big on religious tourism with hotels in famous pilgrimage sites.

“Indians are very religious, they go to these sites, but don’t have a good place to stay. We built a beautiful four-star hotel in Tirupati. We are now opening one in Bodh Gaya, and we have in Rajkot. At Rishikesh, we have the land, and we are looking at Shirdi and Benares. They are all in the pipeline.”

Back home in Uganda, the group are also big in packaging and steel.

The discovery of oil in the country has made investors and the private sector sit up to the opportunities to fund development.

The Madhvanis are also keen to hop on to the bandwagon.

“We are looking for good partners to work with. We have our infrastructure companies, also working on the logistics side,” offers Mayur, but says Africa’s real strength is the green economy.

“I think oil is overplayed, and is not going to solve our problems. I think oil brings problems in itself, from an environmental point of view and the point of view of not becoming too reliant on this one product. Look at Nigeria and Saudi Arabia; they are all looking at alternatives now. The one thing you have got to remember in Africa is we have the weather, and we have vast tracks of land that are fertile. I think Africa can be a great grain basket for the world.”

The next generation of the Madhvanis are in line to take the company to the future. Mayur’s 34-year-old daughter Tanya, who is based in Rome, is responsible for managing the hotel business.

His nephew Ronnie was tasked with reviving the packaging business and he has built it into “a multi-million enterprise through his creativity and marketing efforts”.

The caveat is that family members who are involved in the business must contribute to its growth. Kamlesh and Mayur too came up learning the ropes the hard way.

“We have enough youngsters in business. But just employing family members for the sake of employing them and giving them a posh office is totally wrong and it hasn’t worked. What you have to do is contribute, and when you do, you also get a share of the success as an individual,” says Mayur.

“Basically, we are all fortunate we had good role models to follow. If you read my father’s book, you will know we had our own turmoil in the family. Kakira did not come to us and say ‘here is the key’; we had to fight for it. We had to fight for it from other family members as well. We are not the perfect family; we had to prove ourselves [in addition to] the passion we had [for the business]. That is the type of determination that made it work,” says Kamlesh.

“We started at zero…” adds Mayur.

Today, the family members all have their own businesses too, and in different countries. “I have my own companies. Kamlesh has his. I have vast real estate in Orlando, we all have assets in Europe, North America and India. But we have been taught to be low-profile,” says Mayur.

The family live in bungalows near the factory in Kakira, minutes from each other. There is nowhere else they would rather be. They have their own airstrip and private planes.

“This is utopia for us,” says Kamlesh.

Succession planning is key in ensuring the Madhvani legacy lives on. Mayur is cognizant of this truism.

“We have reached an age where we know the inevitable is coming. We have to witness the change so we can actually guide that change to some extent, rather than create a vacuum and arrive at a situation where there is no smooth handover,” he says.

“We will have to leave that to the next generation. The important thing is to make sure that whatever business that we have, we maintain a world-class lead in them. Today, our sugar factory is the most modern in the world, and more and more we are moving towards automation, and everybody is going to still need sugar,” says Kamlesh.

“In the end, you don’t work for the money, you work for the passion of it all.” The bags and packets of sugar that go out of this little town of Kakira are testament to the fertile bounties of the land, and the story of a family from India that, through enterprise, resilience and industry, found its fortune in the fields in a beautiful corner of Africa.


This content was originally published on forbesafrica.com

Methil Renuka is the Managing editor of Forbes Africa and Forbes Woman Africa

 

Chinese Hotel Giant Jin Jiang Accelerates its African Expansion


by Natacha Gorwitz
 

The Shanghai-based hotel group Jin Jiang, a majority shareholder of Radisson since February 2019, is now the third-largest hotel group in Africa, behind Accor and Marriott International.


The Radisson Blu Waterfront hotel in Cape Town, now majority-owned by Jin Jiang. DR/Radisson Blu

The Shanghai-based hotel group Jin Jiang, a majority shareholder of Radisson since February 2019, is now the third-largest hotel group in Africa, behind Accor and Marriott International.

Though the name Jin Jiang International is not well known outside its home country, the Chinese hotel conglomerate has made dazzling progress in the global hospitality industry in recent months.

  • Jin Jiang is now the world’s second-largest hotel group behind US-based Marriott International, and has been making huge investments on the African continent.
  • The Hong Kong-listed group boasts close to 7,000 hotels in its China portfolio and generated a turnover of about ¥19,759bn ($3bn) in 2017.
     

Four years after acquiring French hotel chain Louvre Hotels Group (LHG), the Chinese state-owned hotel group completed a $2bn acquisition in February 2019 that made it the majority shareholder of Stockholm-listed Radisson Hospitality AB, Radisson’s subsidiary in Europe, the Middle East and Africa. With this operation, Jin Jiang became the third-largest hotel chain in Africa with 115 hotels, behind France’s Accor (of which it is the largest shareholder, with 12% of the capital) and Marriott International.

But, from Dakar to Kigali, it is likely that this change in ownership will go unnoticed. Similarly, Radisson clients probably have no knowledge of the fact that the Minnesota-based group was previously owned by another Chinese conglomerate, HNA, which was forced to dispose of the global chain in just over two years after its takeover, due to a record debt pile.

According to Radisson’s managers, the most important thing now is the opportunity this partnership offers the brand to intensify its regional expansion.

“This will give us new ways to broaden our Africa scope, and we will also benefit from the links China has developed with Africa,” says Ramsay Rankoussi, Radisson’s vice-president of development for the Middle East, Turkey and francophone Africa.

Radisson’s teams were further assured when the new shareholder endorsed their Africa strategy, which aims at doubling the hotel portfolio in francophone Africa by 2022.

  • Currently, the group has 45 functioning hotels and 51 in development in 31 countries, of which 70% of are under its high-end Radisson Blu brand.
  • According to a report from W Hospitality Group, an international firm specialising in hotel development activity in Africa, Radisson and Hilton were the fastest-growing hotel brands in Africa in 2018.

Pierre-Frédéric Roulot, CEO of LHG and of Jin Jiang Europe, says there is no need to go back to the drawing board when business is booming. “Jin Jiang purchased Louvre and Radisson for their operational quality and brand concepts, which can be exported anywhere in the worldwide, including to Africa,” says Roulot, who is also the head of Africa business development for the Chinese giant.

When Jin Jiang took over LHG in March 2015, it also decided to accelerate its development strategy on the continent. Present in the high-end segment through its Golden Tulip brand – 45 hotels in 14 African countries – and popular with business customers, the group is currently diversifying its portfolio.

In September 2018, LHG opened a 411-room hotel complex in Casablanca under its three mid-range brands (Campanile, Kyriad and Première Classe). In January 2019, it also acquired TemptingPlaces, a high-end hotel label with 105 boutique hotels in 31 countries.

“We have a strong presence in French-speaking Africa but not enough in East Africa,” says Roulot, who is targeting Senegal and Cameroon this year. South Africa is “a key market to consider,” he adds, and LHG is currently looking for a local partner to spearhead the group’s expansion in the region.

But Roulot’s first priority is to ensure Radisson is smoothly integrated into LHG’s existing structure. “We now have to fully master this external growth,” says the CEO, who was a director at McDonald’s before joining LHG. “We have to first develop synergies between the IT arm in order to reduce costs and increase data consistency and the main branch of the central booking office in China. Having 10,000 hotels allows us to offer the best possible prices to our clients and investors,” he adds.

Jin Jiang is therefore expected to include Radisson in its loyalty programme, increasing its membership from 17 million to 120 million members. And attracting Chinese clients will be a major target moving forward, as data has shown that Chinese travellers worldwide will exceed the 100 million threshold by 2020. When Morocco eased visa restrictions for Chinese nationals in 2016, the number of travellers jumped by 378% within six months, according to a study by travel trends analyst ForwardKeys.

“Chinese tourists represent only 10% of our clients in Africa, but it is 10% that the others do not have. We are therefore in the best position to attract more of these clients,” says Roulot. The group’s potential Chinese customers are mainly businessmen who work on infrastructure projects and have to make regular round trips in and out of the continent, as well as holidaymakers, many of whom stay on the African coasts like Zanzibar.

In order to tap the vast customer base in the world’s biggest economy, LHG has been working with Jin Jiang Travel, the Chinese group’s distribution platform, for the past 18 months. The platform, which includes online travel agency WeHotel, is used by a third of Chinese customers for their hotel bookings.

The group has adapted its offer to meet the needs of the local clientele, offering texts available in Mandarin, kettles and tea in rooms, and Chinese-language television channels and newspapers. It also accepts payment methods common in China: UnionPay bank cards as well as payments for reservations made on the Alipay and WeChat Pay platforms that are hugely popular in China.

In addition to the LHG and Radisson brands, Jin Jiang also wants to promote its own brands in Africa. Roulot is spearheading the global launch of the four-star Metropolo brand, which is highly patronised by Chinese businessmen. He says the ultimate goal now is to have an establishment in each major African city, similar to having “one Chinese embassy per [African] capital”.


This article was first published in Jeune Afrique.

Natacha Gorwitz is a freelance journalist based in Paris, France, who focuses on economics, society, and culture. A prolific writer, Gorwitz has written extensively for Jeune Afrique, The World, The Africa Report, and others.


Peter Dutton’s “Fast Track” for White South African Farmers is a Throwback to a Long, Racist History
by Jon Piccini

Home Affairs Minister Peter Dutton’s recent statements that Australia should open its arms to white farmers in South Africa facing “persecution” at the hands of a black majority government sparked national bemusement, international outrage, and rejection from members of his own government. 


 

Dutton’s sympathy for white South Africans, who would “abide by our laws, integrate into our society, work hard [and] not lead a life on welfare”, has long historical roots.

This sense of mutual racial purpose in “white men’s countries” like Australia, South Africa and North America is located in a shared fondness for racial exclusion and segregation.

Proposed South African legislation that would allow the ruling African National Congress to expropriate land from white farmers without compensation to meet a modest target of 30% of farmland in black hands seems to have sparked Dutton’s benevolence.

Australia’s far-right has been reporting on white farmers being murdered in racially motivated attacks for some time, reprising a “white genocide” meme popular in alt-right circles abroad. Mainstream media outlets in Australia then adopted this narrative.

“White men’s countries”

Australia’s colonial immigration restriction regimes, which originated during the 1850s gold rushes in Victoria, heavily influenced similar polices introduced in Natal, South Africa, in 1896.

And when Australia federalised colonial immigration laws in 1902, the notorious dictation test, which quizzed potential immigrants in any European language, was in turn borrowed from Natal.

Australians and “Boers” (South Africans of Dutch descent, also known as Afrikaners) forged a sort of racial fraternity across the battlefield in the Boer War between 1899 and 1902. Australian light horsemen sent to fight in South Africa found themselves not all that dissimilar to their enemy.

As Australian soldier J.H.M. Abbott put it in a book on his exploits:

The [Australian] bushman – the dweller in the country as opposed to the town-abiding folk – … is, to all practical purposes, of the same kind as the Boer. [I]n training, in conditions of living, in environment, and to some extent in ancestry, the [Australian] and the Boer have very much that is in common.

Such sympathy – and a hatred for black South Africans, mirroring sentiments toward Indigenous Australians – extended well into the 20th century. Some of the 5,000 Australians living in Johannesburg in the 1900s, either war veterans or economic migrants, were instrumental in forming white-only trade unions modelled on those back home.

Protecting the home front

Australia and South African governments worked together in the 1940s to ensure their restrictive racial policies were beyond the reach of new international organisations.

Jan Smuts, South Africa’s prime minister between 1939 and 1948, was responsible for the inclusion of the term “basic human rights” in the preamble to the UN Charter.

Along with “Doc” Evatt, Australia’s attorney-general and the key author of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, Smuts saw the idea of human rights not as “synonymous with political, social or racial equality” but as a protection of countries from the threat of further war and international encroachment.

The prominence of domestic jurisdiction became a central part of the UN Charter. This ensured human rights were not enforceable on – or even relevant to – individual countries.

Doc Evatt and UK Foreign Secretary Anthony Eden examine documents at a meeting in 1945. United Nations

South African apartheid, the White Australia Policy, and treatment of Indigenous Australians became hot-button issues from the late 1950s onward.

Apartheid, introduced in 1948 and modelled on Queensland legislation, entered public consciousness after the Sharpeville massacre in South Africa in 1960.

Decolonising African and Asian countries soon moved to have South Africa excluded from the Commonwealth of Nations. Australia’s prime minister, Robert Menzies, rejected such moves, standing alone in refusing to condemn apartheid. Instead, Menzies and his conservative successors advocated a stance of “non-interference”. They were fearful Australia would be the anti-colonial campaigns’ next target.

Weathering decolonisation

The 1970s and 1980s saw increasing protests against apartheid in Australia – particularly around the Springbok rugby tours in 1971. This period was also marked by efforts from conservatives to blunt the edge of an international sanctions campaign against South Africa.

Coalition prime minister Malcolm Fraser and his Labor successor Bob Hawke were strong opponents of apartheid. But the Coalition under John Howard in the 1980s joined with US President Ronald Reagan and UK Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher to do:

… everything it could to see that nothing was done to bring [apartheid] to an end.

A protester against the tour of the Springboks rugby team in 1971. The Australian


first arrival of what Dutton would now term “refugees” from southern Africa to Australia began in the 1980s. White farmers fled the democratic election of a black majority government in Zimbabwe in 1980, followed in the 1990s by a rush of South Africans “packing for Perth” after Nelson Mandela’s 1994 election and the abolition of apartheid.

Studies find these migrants feel victimised by the process of decolonisation and bad (read, black) government. Australia, which is yet to reconcile itself with the legacy of colonialism or offer meaningful participation in government to Indigenous people, must then appear to be an ideal destination.  

Dutton’s call for “civilised nations” to rescue beleaguered white farmers draws explicitly on this long history of equating civilisation with a global white identity. This mental universe has dangerous ramifications for Australia in a world where the
 “global colour line” has disappeared.


This article was originally published on theconversation.com.

Jon Piccini is a lecturer in history at Australian Catholic University. He publishes on social movements of the 1960s and human rights.


Letter from Africa: Are Kenyans Still Scandalised by Scandals?
by Waihiga Mwaura

In our series of letters from African writers, Kenyan journalist Waihiga Mwaura asks whether Kenyans have lost hope of tackling the scourge of corruption in the country.

 


 

Shocking revelations over the last month that Kenya may have lost 21bn shillings ($210m; £162m) of taxpayers' money only resulted in a few newspaper headlines.

Dubbed the dam scandal, investigators are looking into allegations that the money was spent on two dams in the Rift Valley that have never been built.

Kenyans like to get outraged on Twitter, but the social media hoo-ha petered out fairly quickly amid some political statements and promises to investigate.

The truth is that Kenyans have been here before. Different scandals. Different suspects. Different amounts of money. Same taxpayers footing the bill.

“Legalise corruption”

In the latest scandal, it is alleged that one firm was paid $80,000 for cutlery, while another company supplied towels worth $220,000.


These are not strange items to supply - until you ask yourself: "What role do they have to play in the construction of a dam?"

No wonder popular musician and activist Juliani recently suggested that corruption should be legalised and defined in Kenya so that everyone knows what they are dealing with.

And these are not the most surprising revelations that have come out of graft investigations in Kenya.

In 2016 a hairdresser was at pains to explain how she had gone from a simple hair stylist to a millionaire who had set up companies to receive $18m from National Youth Service - a government initiative to train young people in life and business skills.

The hairdresser denied the allegations but the entire scandal involving the youth agency is believed to have cost taxpayers $78m through payments to ghost suppliers - yet the results of the full investigation into the alleged scam are still to be published.

Kenya's top corruption scandals

The Goldenberg scandal

In the 1990s, members of the Kenyan government colluded with the international company Goldenberg to export gold that had come from third countries at subsidised prices. Although the scheme was supposed to earn the country money, it ended up costing an estimated 60bn shillings - 10% of Kenya's annual GDP. Officials of former President Daniel arap Moi's government, some at the highest level, were implicated in the scandal.

A 2004 commission of inquiry recommended that several prominent people be investigated but no-one has been jailed.

The Anglo Leasing scandal

The Anglo Leasing affair, which involved contracts being awarded to phantom firms, shocked Kenyans when it was revealed in 2004.

Anglo Leasing Finance was paid about 30m euro ($33m; £21m) to supply the Kenyan government with a system to print new high-technology passports; other fictitious companies involved in the scam were given money to supply naval ships and forensic laboratories.

In 2015, seven former government officials were charged. The case is still ongoing.

The National Youth Service scandal

Last year, the head of the National Youth Service (NYS) was arrested as part of an investigation into the alleged theft of 8bn shillings. The missing funds were allegedly stolen in a scheme involving senior government officials and ghost suppliers.

Prosecutors have charged 35 people. All have denied the accusations.

Getting worse

It is now possible to work out how much Kenya has lost to corruption since independence in 1964 - the website trackcorruption.org has put the figure at an estimated $66bn.

This is public money that has been lost, stolen or misused - funds that could have built schools, hospitals and many dams.

Transparency International announced in its latest report that corruption was getting worse in Kenya - on its corruption index Kenya was ranked 144 out of 180 countries in the world, dropping a place in the last year.

Samuel Kimeu, executive director of Transparency International Kenya, said in January: "Some of the key institutions in the anti-corruption chain have faced significant challenges in delivering their mandates mainly because of a pervading culture of impunity among the political and economic elite."

A notable anti-graft crusader recently told me that corruption was no longer a parasite in Kenya but was now firmly entrenched at the centre.

Kenyans have held many protests against corruption but little has changed

Marilyn Kamuru, a lawyer and activist, urged Kenyans on a live TV show to stop calling it corruption and instead call it "robbery with violence".

Many applauded her statement, urging fellow Kenyans to stop pussyfooting around a crisis and call it by its real name.

But life goes on in one of East Africa's largest economies and even the Kenyan shilling is no longer surprised by the revelations - it has jumped to its strongest level against the dollar in more than three-and-a-half years in the last week.

Don't get me wrong- it isn't that Kenyans have just buried their heads in the sand.

Everywhere I go, corruption is the discussion. From the barbershop and hotel conference to the TV studio and family gathering. People are angry. But nothing happens after that.

But all is not lost.

One recent encouraging stories was how a young airport security officer in Kisumu had compelled a police officer (effectively his superior) to pay a fine. The policeman had parked on the pavement, his vehicle was then clamped and when he returned to it, he had no choice but to pay the fine after he realised that he could not bully his way out of this one.

That is a classic example of speaking truth to power.
 


This article was originally published on BBC.com.

Waihiga Mwaura is a Kenyan journalist and TV presenter.


African Economies Capture World Attention
by Kingsley Ighobor

 
Young men and women chat along the glittering corridors of the sprawling shopping complex. With state-of-the-art mobile communication gadgets in hand, they go in and out of the mall’s 65 shops, filling shopping bags with expensive items. There is a large and well-equipped children’s playground at the back. Fully air-conditioned, the mall has 20,000 square metres of retail space, a theatre, restaurants, bars and parking for 900 cars. Welcome to the Accra Mall in Ghana, one of West Africa’s best — and comparable to any mall in the world.
 
Skyline of Luanda, Angola: Will Africa be “the next global economic frontier”?
Photograph: Reuters / Mike Hutchings
 
In Ghana, as in many other African countries, young people are living out the continent’s economic growth. They are educated and relatively well-off, as seen in their cars, dress and homes. Ghana’s economy grew by an impressive 14.4 per cent in 2011, while many African economies are expected to be among the world’s fastest-growing in 2012, according to the World Bank. Ghana, Liberia, Nigeria, Ethiopia, the Democratic Republic of the Congo and others will lead the charge.
 

Undoubtedly Africa is still bedevilled by poverty, with half of its people living on less than $2 a day. However, its economic growth over the past decade has been striking.

 
A hopeful continent
“There is a new story emerging out of Africa: a story of growth, progress, potential and profitability,” reports Ernst & Young, a US-based business consulting company. Johnnie Carson, the US secretary of state for African affairs, adds: “Africa represents the next global economic frontier.” Investors had better be aware, advises Mr. Carson, who recently led a US trade delegation to Mozambique, Tanzania, Ghana and Nigeria. China’s trade with Africa reached $160 billion in 2011, making the continent one of its largest trading partners.

Ten years earlier, in 2000, The Economist saw no reason for hope. It pronounced Africa “the hopeless continent,” noting problems that included a bloody civil war in Sierra Leone, famine in Ethiopia and political conflict in Zimbabwe. But last December, the London magazine reconsidered: “Since The Economist regrettably labelled Africa ‘the hopeless continent’ a decade ago, a profound change has taken hold.” Today “the sun shines bright … the continent’s impressive growth looks likely to continue.”


Promising indicators
Africa’s overall economic indicators have been remarkable. Over the past decade, Africa’s trade with the rest of the world has increased by more than 200 per cent, annual inflation has averaged only 8 per cent and foreign debt has decreased by 25 per cent. Foreign direct investment (FDI) grew by 27 per cent in 2011 alone.

Even though projections for overall growth in 2012 have been revised downward due to the political crisis in North Africa, Africa’s economy will still grow by 4.2 per cent, according to a UN report in June. Sub-Saharan African economies will grow at more than 5 per cent, notes the International Monetary Fund (IMF). In addition, there are currently more than 600 million mobile-phone users on the continent, while increasing literacy and improving skills have resulted in a 3 per cent growth in productivity.

Most foreign investors are still cautious about Africa, particularly because of security and infrastructure problems. But there is a steady increase in intra-African investment, which in 2011 accounted for about 17 per cent of total FDI, according to Ernst & Young. African entrepreneurs are reaping the benefits. The world’s richest black person used to be the US talk show icon Oprah Winfrey, worth $3 billion. Today, Aliko Dangote of Nigeria, referred to by Forbes magazine as a “commodities titan,” has amassed more than $10 billion.


Investor’s dreamland
Several factors make Africa an investor’s dreamland. McKinsey Global Institute, a think tank, writes, “The rate of return on foreign investment is higher in Africa than in any other developing region.”

Africa’s economic growth is driven by a number of factors, including an end to many armed conflicts, abundant natural resources and economic reforms that have promoted a better business climate.

More political stability is lubricating the continent’s economic engine. The UN Economic Commission for Africa (ECA) in 2005 linked democracy to economic growth. “Good governance is central to improving economic performance and promoting economic progress in Africa,” argued Abdoulie Janneh, the ECA executive secretary at the time.

Another important factor is accelerating urbanization. While it may strain social services in the cities, it has also led to an increase in urban consumers. More than 40 per cent of Africa’s population now lives in cities, and by 2030 “Africa’s top 18 cities will have a combined spending power of $1.3 trillion,” McKinsey projects. The Wall Street Journal reports that Africa’s middle class, currently numbering 60 million, will reach 100 million by 2015.


Still a long way to go
Africa’s current economic indicators may appear upbeat, but analysts say it is not yet time to celebrate. “I’ll be cautioning against excessive exuberance,” says Donald Kaberuka, president of the Africa Development Bank (AfDB). “A sustained slowdown in advanced countries will dampen demand for Africa’s exports,” adds Christine Lagarde, managing director of the IMF. Europe accounts for more than half of Africa’s external trade, and tourism could also suffer as fewer Europeans come to Africa, denting economies — like those in Kenya, Tanzania and Egypt — that rely heavily on tourism.

The South African central bank also warned in May that the crisis in Europe, which consumes 25 per cent of South Africa’s exports, poses huge risks. And adverse effects on Africa’s largest economy will have devastating consequences for neighbouring economies.

Another flashpoint is the resurgence of political crises. Due to the Arab Spring, economic growth in North Africa nose-dived to just 0.5 per cent in 2011. Recent coups in Mali and Guinea-Bissau could have wider economic repercussions. “Mali was scoring very well, now we are back to square one,” says Mthuli Ncube, the AfDB’s chief economist. Ethiopia, Kenya, Uganda and other countries are militarily engaged in Somalia, which may slow their economies. And Nigeria is grappling with Boko Haram, a terrorist sect in the north of that country.

Africa also faces other headwinds. The 2011 Africa Economic Report of the ECA and African Union warned of Africa’s “jobless recovery,” noting that investors are concentrating on the extractive sector, particularly oil, gold and diamonds, which produces few jobs.

Another report, the African Economic Outlook 2012 (produced by the AfDB, ECA, Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development and UN Development Programme) reinforces concern about unemployment, adding that about 60 per cent of Africa’s unemployed are aged 15 to 24 and about half are women. In May, UNDP raised an alarm over food insecurity in sub-Saharan Africa, a quarter of whose 856 million people are undernourished.

Talk of a rising African middle class is hasty, the AfDB argues. Defined loosely as those who live on $2 or more a day, most “middle-class” Africans have daily expenditures of no more than $4, notes the bank. Potential economic shocks could easily throw many families into poverty, below the $2 threshold. High income inequality also clouds the picture. In 2008, for example, just 100,000 of Africa’s 1 billion people had a total net worth of $800 billion, equivalent to 60 per cent of the continent’s gross domestic product.

Despite such hurdles, Africa’s economies do not seem set to slow down. Ernst & Young insists that this “story has to be told more confidently and consistently.” But equally important is the need to ensure that the continent’s economic growth also creates jobs and helps rescue millions from poverty.
 

This article was originally published on un.org.

Kingsley Ighobor is a public information officer for the United Nations, New York. He is the managing editor at the Africa Renewal.


Patriotism and Profit VII:
Creating an Incubator for Future Champion Companies 2

by John I. Akhile Sr.

 
There is a huge divide between the reality of the capacity of Africans and political leadership’s recognition of it. In other words, African people are progressing on all fronts: in business, academia, global multilateral agency management, etc. Case in point, the late Koffi Annan, who was Ghanaian, was appointed Secretary General of the United Nations. However, in African countries, leaders seem almost entirely oblivious to it. They are failing to recognize, appreciate and nurture the considerable talent at their disposal. The reality has escaped generations of leaders. However, 60 years after independence for most African countries, that reality is inescapable. It is manifested in the parade of beggarly African leaders traveling to China in search, not of ideas but begging bowl in hand for money, for so-called development. It is an incontrovertible truism that business and political heroism of Africans will pave the road to prosperity for African countries and their peoples. Not by begging bowl diplomacy of African leaders.


To evolve prosperous societies, political leaders of African countries will have to build the infrastructure needed for success. It is apropos to acknowledge that the syndrome of devaluing the potential of indigenous people is not unique to African countries or African political leaders. It is, however, unique to all poor countries. There is a lesson to be learned by African leaders. It is one that has been played out in world history and is very much available to anyone interested in learning it. The lesson derives from the fact that both the industrialized and newly industrialized countries of the world traversed a path from poverty to prosperity. The same path that African countries are trying to navigate. The people of pre-industrial Europe and North America created the economic environment the countries are experiencing today. Likewise, their citizens created the Asian economic miracle. For all the countries, in Europe, North America, and Asia, the path to success were paved by the work of their political and business leaders. That work was not reliant nor was it dependent on their going hat in hand to the world community for aid. No country in the world has created success through the begging bowl.
The first order of business for leadership is to take complete and total ownership of the fiscal challenges in their environment. It is not the responsibility of the rich nations to give African countries money on which to survive. China is the newest target of “begging bowl” diplomacy by African leaders. True economic development is not the building of grand infrastructure schemes. Rather, it is developing a foundation of sustainable revenue flows into the treasury of nations. The process is engineered by developing companies and entrepreneurs that will assume control of the supply chain responsibility of society. If the country needs more hard currency, with proper planning and resoluteness, indigenous companies can solve the issue. If it is a supply of goods and services, the same remedy is applicable. 
The road map is available in every country that has traversed the road from poverty to prosperity, and it includes every successful nation on earth including Western industrialized nations and is available for every leader and nation of Africa to study and mirror. Not every pattern fits of course, but something can be gleaned from every experience. The one single attribute that every successful nation has is champion companies. They are companies that export goods and services around the world as well as companies that create solutions for supply chain deficiencies in the local economy. 

For African Countries, it Starts with Formulating an Economic Strategy 

African countries should start from the basic building block of settling on a sustainable economic development strategy. From that basic platform, the executors of the strategy have to be recruited, developed and supported. It sounds rather rudimentary, but can anyone name an African country that has a clearly defined and prosecutable economic development strategy? Instead, it is a hodge-podge of projects, government pronouncements, and goals that are nebulous and incoherent at best and unwieldy and haphazard at worst. Compounding the situation is that very few countries have a strategy for corralling the resources needed to activate their economic agenda in full, absent of seeking aid from the global community. In other words, the economic development agenda of most African countries is a stew of economic incoherency whose implementation depends on the largess of the global community. If an entrepreneur tried to run his business in that manner, he or she is bound to fail spectacularly. A country is infinitely more complicated to manage than a business but is in most respects a business, albeit a political one.
To the overarching economic strategy, nations can add specific goals as well as timelines for their accomplishment. For instance, depending on their baseline of manufacturing export capability, a country may set a goal to achieve an export target of “y” exports in “x” number of years. For some countries, “y” may be a few million dollars, while for others, it may be several billion dollars. 


Developing Future Champion Companies

With a sustainable economic development agenda in place, the next step is to recruit businesses to buy-in and support the program. However, developing global champions is a marathon rather than a sprint. In every arena where there are supply chain deficiencies, it is possible to develop champion companies to fill it. It is arguable that the most crucial area of economic deficiency for most African countries in the contemporaneous timeline is a dearth of hard currency. 

The process of developing companies is interchangeable for any industrial arena. The difference is scale. Capital requirement varies between industrial sectors. In the export arena, African countries will do well to focus on low capital, high labor-intensive industries because of the importance of reducing unemployment. 

The larger context of developing champion companies is creating an environment where enterprise can prosper. For instance, it is important to make it very easy to start a business. In the colonial era, colonial governments created various impediments to starting a business. The reason was to dissuade indigenous people and citizens of rival colonial nations from entering the field of enterprise. Unfortunately, the practice has continued in many African countries. Rwanda has made enormous strides in this area. In the World Bank’s “Global Ease of Doing Business index,” Rwanda ranked 29th of 160. To put it in context, South Africa was ranked 66th, Nigeria, 145th, and the last, 160th, was Somalia. Leading the pack are the following countries: 1. New Zealand; 2. Singapore; 3. Denmark; 4. Hong Kong, SAR (China); 5. Republic of Korea (South Korea); 6. Georgia; 7. Norway; 8. United States; 9. United Kingdom; 10. Macedonia; 11. United Arab Emirates; 12. Sweden; 13. Taiwan.   The ease of doing business is a measurement of the process involved in establishing a business, and as the brief list shows, there is a correlation between successful nations and the process required to establish businesses….to be continued in next month’s issue of Unleash Africa.


1.Economic Development R.O.C (Taiwan), Council for Economic Planning and Development Executive Yuan, R.O.C (Taiwan).
2.http://www.worldbank.org/content/dam/doingBusiness/media/Annual-Reports/English/DB2019-report_web-version.pdf

JohJohn Akhile Author Photon I. Akhile Sr. is the author of two books: Compensatory Trade Strategy: How to Fund Import-Export Trade and Industrial Projects When Hard Currency is in Short Supply and now Unleashed: A New Paradigm of African Trade with the World. He is also the President of African Trade Group LLC., a U.S. based trading company.


Textile Producer Helps Industry in Kenya Through Education and Research
by Gayle Cottrill

 

A textile producer in Kenya has established itself as a leader in the industry through its efforts in modernization and education.

Rivatex East Africa Limited has “established several factory outlets in major cities and towns in Kenya,” according to their website, and also “export [their] products to Rwanda, Burundi, Uganda, and South Sudan.” In addition, they provide textile products to other businesses and manufacturers. 


Their products--made from both 100% cotton or a polyester and cotton mix--include khanga and kitenge fabrics, military camouflage, dress material, overalls, and suiting material, among others. They work closely with their customers to create the perfect product that fits their needs.

In addition to their textile production, Rivatex has fostered a partnership with Moi University, and together they have worked on creating opportunities to educate and train Kenyans about the textile process. The university has also been an ally in researching how to modernize the industry, allowing Rivatex to be at the forefront of textile modernization in Kenya.

Researchers at Moi University have been able to use Rivatex’s facilities “to conduct extensive and practical research projects one of which has led to the innovation of tami-dye from naturally abundant weed.” The innovation helps simplify the dye creation process for textiles and allows the dye to be produced locally instead of in a factory, helping to reduce the cost of production. Rivatex says that “the commercial benefits of such innovations will accrue to the company, the university, and the country’s economy.”

 


Rivatex also “offers internships for students in fields of engineering, business, social sciences among others,” says their website. “Apart from Moi University the facility trains students from other middle level colleges and universities.”

According to Rivatex, the company “recognizes that for sustainable growth and profitability it must play its role in society as an ethical and compliant company in respect to people, communities, legal requirements and natural environment.”

And so far, it looks like they are working towards doing all of that and more.


 

Gayle Cottrill graduated from the University of Wisconsin-Madison with a degree in Journalism and Strategic Communication. She is the Editor of the Unleash Africa newsletter and is also the Marketing Coordinator for the promotion of Unleashed: A New Paradigm of African Trade with the World. 

Editorial:

Unleash Africa’s rai·son d'ê·tre
 is to share contents that stimulate discussions about development paths and options for the countries of Africa because the prevailing winds are not favorable and change is necessary. Throughout Africa, poverty and its attendant cargo of ills is expressing itself in grotesquely violent ways. It portends a future of certain militarist conflagration the like of which the continent has not experienced because the embers of conflagration will be supplied by a very large and largely hopeless, youth population. Whether it’s Boko Haram in Northern Nigeria, Niger Delta Avengers in Southern Nigeria, Al-Shabbab in Kenya, unrest in Mali and Central Africa, political and economic disenchantment in South Africa, the smoldering yet unquenched embers of the Arab Spring in Northern Africa, the continent is perched on a cauldron of volcanic socio-economic-political faults. Add to that mix the drop in global commodity prices, especially crude oil, and it is not surprising that voices of consequence in the affairs of the countries are beginning to sound an alarm about rising debt of African countries. "All of the Above Strategy for Development" highlights outside-the-box and traditional export-oriented business strategies that point the way for policy makers to intensify policy prescription in order to maximize or start to implement them.

 

In this feature, we are doing a multi-part insertion from a comprehensive paper commissioned by the UK Department of International Development, titled: “Developing Export-Based Manufacturing in Sub-Saharan Africa.” The inclination of the paper dovetails with the agenda of Unleash Africa, which is to promote export-oriented economic development in African countries, not just Sub-Saharan Africa. It is great that this paper was commissioned, but what would be better is for the leaders of the countries of Africa to recognize the critical necessity of overcoming perpetual hard currency revenue shortfalls that their countries are mired in. Tanzania requires one billion dollars of donor largesse to survive from year to year. That is gross failure of leadership. The government of Tanzania desperately needs a new plan. As do all African countries. Follow us as we bring you this well-authored perspective of export oriented manufacturing in Sub-Saharan Africa.

 


Developing Export-Based Manufacturing in Sub-Saharan Africa by Supporting Economic Transformation (Part VI)

 
Continued from our April 2019 issue.

The views presented in this publication are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily represent the views of DFID or ODI.
7. CONCLUSIONS 

This paper has examined the available data on production, trade and FDI to assess current trends and future prospects of manufacturing in Africa generally and in nine selected African countries more specifically. Overall, it shows expanding production, employment, exports and FDI in SSA manufacturing, and indicates that in the nine selected African countries there are a range of promising manufacturing sectors for the future. Even so, while some countries compare better than others, all countries could do more to attract investment in export-oriented manufacturing. 

Data suggest manufacturing production is increasing across Africa, but with varying experiences across countries. The share of manufacturing in GDP declined from 18% in 1975 to 11% in 2014, but manufacturing production has more than doubled from $73 billion in 2005 to $157 billion in current prices (or $98 billion in 2005 prices). African manufacturing has grown at 3.5% annually in real terms over the past decade. The share of manufacturing in total employment fell from 10% in 1991 to 8.5% in 2013, but the total numbers of employees in SSA manufacturing increased from 11.0 million to 17.7 million. Data for Nigeria, Rwanda, Kenya and Ethiopia suggest food and beverages is the dominant manufacturing sector (between 40% and 70%), which is usually a domestically oriented industry, followed by textiles and clothing, which is more likely to be export-oriented. National statistics for Tanzania, Uganda and Zambia point to strong recent manufacturing growth but reveal very mixed performance across subsectors. The food and beverages sector increased above average partly because of the importance of growing domestic demand over that period, whereas textiles and clothing could not withstand the competition from Asian imports. 

Annual average growth in manufacturing exports between 2005 and 2014 was highest in Asia (8.3%), followed by Africa (whole continent) (7.4%), and much lower in Europe (4.3%), the Americas (3.9%) and Oceania (2.7%). Africa’s manufacturing share increased marginally from 0.8% to 0.9%. We highlight core centres of demand in both traditional markets and emerging or developing country markets (India, Vietnam, Thailand, Bangladesh) that African exporters of manufactures can potentially tap into. That said, we also show that other African countries are emerging as increasingly important destination markets for African manufacturing exports. Between 2005 and 2014, the share of intra-African manufacturing exports in the total value of African (whole continent) manufacturing exports (including re-exports) increased by nearly 15 percentage points to reach 34%. There has been a gradual (albeit fairly limited) technological deepening in African manufacturing exports over the past decade. 

The FDI stock in Africa (whole continent) is currently 29% of GDP, not far below the figure for the world as a whole, which is 33.6%. There is wide variation among the nine selected countries, with only Tanzania and Uganda in the neighbourhood of the continental and global averages. Mozambique’s stock is very high, at 160% of GDP, whereas Kenya, perhaps surprisingly, is the lowest, at below 10% of GDP. Over 2000–2014, Ethiopia attracted FDI inflows averaging over $800 million per annum, whereas Kenya’s inflows were below $600 million per annum. Ethiopia’s 

FDI stocks are dominated by manufacturing, much more so than Kenya’s, about two thirds of which are in services. Rwanda has been successful in attracting inflows into services (ICT and finance) as well, as opposed to manufacturing, with the respective shares being 78% and 19% of the country’s total FDI stocks. FDI in African manufacturing has been low but is increasing; much FDI is among African countries. Overall, manufacturing FDI rose in the nine selected African countries between 2003–2006 and 2010– 2014, apart from in Nigeria. There are promising signs of increasing Chinese investment into African manufacturing, reflected in the well-known examples of Huajian Shoes in Ethiopia and C&H Garments in Rwanda. The US BEA reports that returns to US foreign equity holdings in Africa were 8% in 2014, which was very similar to returns to US equity holdings globally (9%) and in Europe (8%). In manufacturing, returns in Africa of 4% were below those globally (9%) and in Europe (10%) but above those in Asia and Pacific (3%). 

The paper uses a number of techniques in the case of one country (Tanzania) to suggest a range of promising sectors, including several in manufacturing. There are key sectors that move Tanzania up the VA ladder through agro-processing and manufacturing, including processing of cashews, leather, fruit and nuts and production of wood and paper products, with machinery and chemicals as strategic bets. Some of these help increase Tanzania’s value addition; others help raise its productivity and productive capacity. 

The paper also uses a limited number of techniques (RCA, Hausmann product space) for all nine countries. These yield country-specific results. But the continent as a whole already has a share that is greater than 2% of world trade in fertilisers, chemicals, leather products, apparel, oil, iron and steel. Qualitative accounts and our calculations using standard techniques indicate some very interesting opportunities in the following African manufacturing sectors: garments, agri-business, mineral processing, manufactures of consumer goods, pharmaceuticals, automobiles and food, beverages and tobacco. 

Finally, we score each of the nine African countries using a Manufacturing FDI Potential Index based on the countries’ rankings on a number of key factors influencing FDI, including past manufacturing FDI stock as a percentage of GDP, recent performance in manufacturing exports, DVA in manufacturing, manufacturing VA per capita, economic complexity, labour productivity in manufacturing, population, quality of the business climate and infrastructure, education and cost and reliability of electricity. Our analysis highlights five promising countries that are relatively well positioned to attract manufacturing FDI: Ethiopia, Kenya, Mozambique, Nigeria and Zambia. 

We conclude that, while some African countries are positioned better than others, all of them will need to improve in several areas – particularly related to education and skills development and the quality of the business climate, infrastructure and trade logistics – if they are going to attract high levels of investment into export-based manufacturing sectors. African countries should act to take advantage of recent trends such as African regional growth and rising wages in Asia. The challenge for policy-makers in these countries and sectors is to build on the experiences and make the opportunities a reality by tackling constraints that are common and specific to countries and sectors. Two SET-ACET papers (Ansu et al., 2016a, 2016b) provide further insights into what needs to be done, and how.

Governance:

Governance to African countries is like oxygen to humans. It is crucial to the prospects of African countries achieving economic prosperity without disintegrating into civil conflict. It is the ability of political leaders to create the enabling factors that will facilitate maximization of the competitive advantage of every country, no matter the size or the amount of resource endowments. Better, more competent governance structures and environment is the missing element that African nations need to unleash the potential of their people and country. We will discuss it frequently in this segment of the newsletter.


Bouteflika Steps Aside as Algerians Push to Reclaim and Own Their History
by Dounia Mahlouly

Algeria’s long-time leader Abdelaziz Bouteflika has agreed to step down following a series of mass protests against his original plan to bid for a fifth term.

Algerians protest against President Abdelaziz Bouteflika in Algiers, Algeria, 29 March 2019. EFE/Mohamed Messara
 

After weeks of uncertainty, the country’s military chief Ahmed Gaed Salah declared the 82-year-old leader constitutionally unfit to rule. An interim leadership will be formed under the supervision of the army. Everything seems to suggest that the country is heading towards elections and a constitutional referendum.

Some observers have drawn parallels between events in Algeria and the “Arab Spring”. These mass demonstrations against corruption and acts of police brutality which swept through North Africa from 2011. The pro-democracy uprisings led to the overthrow of three authoritarian regimes: Tunisia’s Ben Ali, Libya’s Muammar Gaddafi and Egypt’s Hosni Mubarak.

Political pundits and analysts drawing these comparisons may be tempted to speculate about hidden agendas, or deplore the lack of a common ideological framework for the opposition. This is because, in countries where opposition forces failed to cohere in a meaningful way, the 2011 revolutionary momentum was easily hijacked by counter-revolutionaries.

But these debates miss the point. They overlook the social and cultural value of the Algerian protests. They also reveal that the international community has remained centred on the question of political stability since the civil war of 1991-2002. In fact, the singular achievement of these demonstrations is that Algerians have reclaimed ownership of their past.

This is apparent in the way that protesters invoked the memory of the war of independence. It could also be seen in their allusions to slogans or songs from that time, calling for “Algeria’s liberation”.

The memory of Algeria’s liberation was politically hijacked by the elites who’ve held power since the 1954-1962 Algerian war of independence.

The Oujda Group

During the independence war against France, the National Liberation Army placed Bouteflika in charge of the western border, close to the Moroccan city of Oujda. He became part of the Oujda group led by Houari Boumédiène. It was Boumédiène who helped Ahmed Ben Bella unseat the first post-independence provisional government in 1962.

Boumédiène then became defence minister, and had much influence over the government through the army. Bouteflika became foreign minister. Following political tensions at the top Boumédiène overthrew Ben Bella in a 1965 military coup.

Under the military-led National Liberation Front, Algeria was a one party state until the 1989 constitution introduced a multiparty system. Bouteflika became a member of the Front’s central committee when serving as a foreign minister. With the help of interior minister and the head of intelligence, he took office in 1999.

Bouteflika was initially able to gain popularity by acting as if he intended to break with his predecessors’ anti-colonial and pan-Arab traditions. He capitalised on the imperative of national security to build legitimacy in the aftermath of the civil war. Algeria remained under a state of emergency for almost 10 years after the end of the civil war. This was known as Algeria’s “black decade”.

Beyond the country’s borders, Bouteflika proved popular. The international community was particularly receptive to this narrative in the context of the post-9/11 “war on terror”.

Under Bouteflika

Under Bouteflika, the penal code was amended to impose punishments for any “insulting or defamatory” statement likely to harm the president. This law saw independent journalists and human rights advocates repressed in the name of national security.

During the same period, a law was promulgated which granted amnesty to terrorists guilty of committing crimes during the civil war. Implicitly, this new law exonerated members of the Algerian secret services. Many of them had served with the Armed Islamic Group. This was one of the two main Islamist insurgent groups that fought the Algerian government and army in the Algerian civil war.

Historically, the power elite – made up of the military, the secret services and the Political Bureau of the National Liberation Front – built its legitimacy on a distorted memory of the war of independence. This arguably added to Algeria’s post-colonial identity crisis and the climate of polarisation that laid the ground for civil war.

Bouteflika later capitalised on the trauma of the “black decade”, while depriving Algerians of the economic and social resources they needed to cope with the growing challenges regarding migration, climate, water scarcity and security. Ironically, this is partly the reason why the question of political stability still prevails today.

Looking ahead

This history demonstrates why the debate around today’s political crisis often misses the mark and ignores the real issues. It’s important to fully appreciate what it means for Algerians to reclaim ownership of their history with confidence – and to consider a world beyond Bouteflika’s troubled leadership.

 

This article was originally published on theconversation.com.

Dounia Mahlouly is a Senior Teaching Fellow, Social & Political Sciences at SOAS, University of London.
Unleashed: A New Paradigm of African Trade with the World is now available to buy at any of the sites listed below. 

Unleashed Site | Bookmasters | Amazon.com
African Trade Group’s Infrastructure Project for African Countries

African Trade Group has designed a project that addresses internal roads, which is one of the most important infrastructure challenges facing African countries, with a very innovative infrastructure plan.

Highlights of the plan:

  • It is a private sector-driven initiative. It will involve the private and public sector in every participating African country.

  • The funding for the project is through private capital markets and will be led by one of the world’s preeminent financial services firms. They will partner with financial services companies in every African country in market making and deal structuring.

  • The payment for the project is designed around the resources capabilities of African countries using conventional and unconventional means.

  • Indigenous African contractors will sort out and be invited to supply construction services in each country in order to contribute to the process of building long-term capacity within a country.

  • African labor will make up a minimum of 50% of the jobs that emanate from the project in each country.

  • The project manager will be a renowned world-class civil engineering company. They will partner with other firms of renown and qualification.

We encourage our African readers who are in high office to contact us for additional information. Also follow the link to read additional details about the plan.



African Trade Group

Our Mandate
To deliver Africa to the world and the world to Africa. 

Our main focus is on African trade. We specialize in helping clients in African countries to develop industrial projects. We will broker commodities and manufactured goods to and from the global market to African countries. In the area of industrial exports, we will help our clients to develop export oriented industries and market the goods produced in hard currency markets.

Our Vision

Our goal is to be a key component of the transition of African countries from raw materials exports to industrial goods export. In addition to contributing to the rise of export industries in every African country, African Trade Group aspires to become the premier company in the trading of commodities and manufactured goods of African origin.

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John I. Akhile Sr.
jakhile@unleashafricantrade.com
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