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Eurasianet
from our Caucasus editor

These are tense days in Tbilisi.
 
Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has shifted everyone’s idea of what might be possible, and all the new possibilities seem bad.
 
One colleague told me that now, when she walks around the streets of Tbilisi, she imagines how the buildings would look in rubble, Mariupol-style. “I never used to think like this,” she said. I didn’t either, but a lot of things didn’t seem possible until recently.
 
Another Georgian woman I met volunteered a prediction that, if Russian troops invaded as they have in Ukraine, Georgians would understand they are too weak to fight back and would simply resign themselves to conquest.
 
These are far-fetched scenarios, of course, but they are going through everyone’s head.
 
Even the more realistic scenarios are disorienting. Ukraine President Volodomyr Zelenskiy has openly acknowledged that he is ready to accept foreign policy neutrality as part of a peace agreement with Russia. That would mean renouncing hopes for NATO membership, and in that case, how could Georgia hold on? Its own NATO aspirations have been inextricably linked with Ukraine’s since the alliance’s 2008 Bucharest Declaration said that both countries “will become members of NATO.”
 
NATO membership was a distant prospect at best, but formally renouncing it would be a nearly existential shift for the Georgian elite, and it’s still almost taboo to discuss. One Georgian journalist who broached the subject on Facebook was shouted down and forced to take the suggestion back. Тhe idea is starting to become part of the conversation, but actually going through with it would make all the country’s recent political crises pale in comparison.
 
Meanwhile, tens of thousands of Russians have flooded into Tbilisi to escape the wave of repression and punishing economic sanctions that have resulted from the war. In many cases, Georgians’ justified mistrust of the Russian government has turned into a desire for collective punishment of ordinary Russian people. Anti-Russian sentiment has soared and “Russians go home!” graffiti can be seen around Tbilisi. This, even though by all accounts the Russians coming to Tbilisi are overwhelmingly anti-war and anti-Putin.
 
They often wear Ukrainian flags, whether out of conviction, fear, or some of both. One friend who rents her apartment on Airbnb recently got a rental request from a St. Petersburg couple. They explained that they opposed the war and fled because of a fear of persecution. “We fully understand the current situation, however, and will accept rejection because of our nationality,” they concluded.
 
Still, it’s the stories of ugly Russians that seem to travel much more quickly. One recording of a Russian woman who snapped after being told to speak Georgian in a grocery store, flipping off the bystanders and shouting “Slava Rossii!” (“Glory to Russia!”), went viral.
 
All of it seems to be coming to a boil. Last weekend I heard two firsthand reports of fights in bars between Russians and Georgians. If that’s what I heard about, how many more must there have been?
 
This, in turn, reinforces everyone’s fears of what the Kremlin might have in store for Georgia. For years Moscow has justified punitive policies against Georgia, like a ban on direct flights, by citing “Russophobia” in the country. That had been mostly a bogus pretext, but now that Russophobia has become real, the Kremlin and Russian state media are curiously quiet about it. Perhaps that is a trump card Moscow is holding until the right time to play it. Just another thing to worry about.
 
-Joshua Kucera

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Caucasus
Armenia signals willingness to cede control over Karabakh. If Armenians stay in Karabakh under the Azerbaijani flag, it would represent an exception to the otherwise zero-sum game of territorial control in the region.
 
Russian MP threatens to nuke Azerbaijan. A member of the State Duma made the menacing comment after blaming Baku for violating the ceasefire in Karabakh and refusing demands from Russian peacekeepers. Baku responded with a lawsuit and international arrest warrant, accusing the lawmaker of “terrorism” and “open calls of war.”
 
South Ossetia says it will seek to join Russia. It’s not the first time the breakaway Georgian territory’s de facto authorities have signaled the intention. In the past Russia has blown the calls off, but its calculations may be different now.
 
In Russian war on Ukraine, Georgia’s economy to be collateral damage. Dependent on both Russia and Ukraine for trade, Georgia’s economy is bracing for a heavy hit from the war. And the impacts may be felt most on two of the staples of Georgian life: bread and wine.
 
Perspectives | Don’t blame Armenia for its ties to Russia. Yerevan in the post-Soviet era has had no viable alternative to a reliance on Moscow, writes a historian of Armenian-Russian relations.
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Central Asia
Batken’s entrepreneurs struggle while officials weave lofty dreams. A fledgling job-creating enterprise offers hope in a troubled corner of Kyrgyzstan, where the government talks big and does little.
Kazakhstan seeks to thread diplomatic needle over Russia’s Ukraine war. Anybody spying the diplomatic weathervane in Kazakhstan at the moment is liable to be confused. Authorities are struggling to maintain an elusive balance: pro-West and yet friendly with Moscow.

Kazakhstan sees economy slowed by Russia’s war. The oil exporter cannot take advantage of high prices amid difficulties using a key pipeline across Russia.

Will tinkering at Kazakhstan’s opaque wealth fund be enough? Kazakhstan modeled its national wealth fund after Singapore’s. Under the former president, its name became a byword for cronyism and price fixing. Can it be reformed? Some Kazakhs blame the hulking $69 billion fund for the January violence: Its subsidiaries raised gas prices after failing to modernize the country's energy infrastructure.
 
Tajiks rush to offload dollars. There is another currency panic happening in Tajikistan. This time, it is dollars that people are trying desperately to offload. Absent information from authorities, rumors are driving wild market swings.
 
Uzbekistan stops shipping GM cars to Russia. Sanctions on Russia will help Uzbekistan’s GM plant meet demand at home.
 
Uzbekistan’s traffic cops want to ban photographs. Traffic police in Uzbekistan are not well liked. They are a daily humiliation for drivers and frequently the butt of jokes. Now they risk further poisoning their reputation by trying to ban the public from taking pictures. It’s almost like they have something to hide.
 
Kyrgyzstan’s gold mine grab near completion as investor bows out. President Sadyr Japarov pledges that his country is still open for business to foreign investors.
 
Turkmenistan: Get on your bike! A long-stalled gas pipeline to South Asia dominates the government’s agenda, but until it is built Ashgabat is in no position to dictate prices to China. This and more in our weekly briefing.
 
What Central Asia’s young elites think of China. A new study finds a correlation: Among young Kyrgyzstanis, the more years they have studied at university, the likelier they are to feel positive about trading with China.
Russia scraps ban on cereals to allies. The ban in March sparked a rush on flour and sugar in Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan.
 
Don’t forget Afghanistan, pleads Uzbekistan, as Ukraine war rages. Amid the war in Ukraine, it was inevitable that a meeting in China to discuss Afghanistan would become a platform for geopolitical posturing. Russia didn't miss a chance to emphasize its importance in Central Asia.
 
Has Russia left a security vacuum in Central Asia? Any faith Central Asian governments had in Russian military power has no doubt been shaken by its glaring failures in Ukraine.
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